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  • From: Dave Washburn <dwashbur AT nyx.net>
  • To: b-hebrew AT lists.ibiblio.org
  • Subject: Re: [b-hebrew] Psa 107:19-21 (was WAYYIQTOL)
  • Date: Sat, 20 Mar 2004 09:33:51 -0700

Since many of us don't have access to such journals, would you mind listing
some of his "counterfactual" examples?

On Friday 19 March 2004 18:12, Sameer Yadav wrote:
> Hi Ken,
>
> You may have seen Buth’s discussion in “The Hebrew
> Verb in Current Discussions, Journal of Translation
> and Textlinguistics 5/2 (1992): 91-105. What do you
> think about Buth’s criticisms of Zuber, i.e. that the
> prefixed form (Zuber’s modal/future) can also be used
> of indicative repetitious events in the past (cf.
> Greek impf. indicative), while the suffixed form
> (Zuber’s indicative) can be used for nonindicative
> events (e.g. counterfactuals)? Both Zuber and
> Hatav’s explication of modality in BH seems to leave
> these counter-examples insufficiently explained (esp.
> counterfactual uses of qtl).
>
> Another possible criticism might have to do with his
> view that the modal semantics of yqtl are identical to
> wqtl and qtl is identical wyyqtl. He seems to chalk
> it up to “stylistic” reasons, but without giving any
> adequate account of what stylistic factors might
> govern the choice of one over the other, especially in
> contexts employing both forms together. He may be
> advocating some kind of waw-conversive theory, where
> it is the modal values that are converted by the
> prefixed waw, instead of the older view of converted
> tense values (Blake) or aspectual values (as I take to
> be the implication of Waltke and O’Connor’s view). If
> so, then it inherits the same problem of explaining
> how and why what appears to be a simple conjunction
> came to perform this semantic function.
>
> Cheers,
>
> Sameer
>
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--
Dave Washburn
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur
Learning about Christianity from a non-Christian
is like getting a kiss over the telephone.





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