permaculture

[Martin Mikush <martinmikush@gmail.com>]

Hey , thank you for this elaborate report.
it reminded me somehow about this social construct, here :
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rAaWvVFERVA

Greetings
Martin

On Mon, Feb 15, 2010 at 8:21 PM,
<permaculture-request@lists.ibiblio.org> wrote:
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> Today's Topics:
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>   1. Haiti relief opinion piece (Patrick)
>   2. Re: Haiti relief opinion piece (carolyn anderson)
>   3. Now there's an outdoor bake oven... (Lawrence F. London, Jr.)
>
>
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
>
> Message: 1
> Date: Sun, 14 Feb 2010 10:51:35 -0800 (PST)
> From: Patrick <forgeadams@yahoo.com>
> Subject: [permaculture] Haiti relief opinion piece
> To: permaculture@lists.ibiblio.org
> Message-ID: <796332.25547.qm@web57612.mail.re1.yahoo.com>
> Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
>
> http://tagonist.livejournal.com/201318.html?style=mine#cutid1
>
> This is my final report on the expedition to Haiti, from 23 Jan to
> 4 Feb. I travelled as a medical relief worker, although the team with
> which I worked turned out to be better equipped, in terms of skill set
> and preparation, to work as organizers and intermediaries. I will not,
> therefore, belabor this document with medical observations- those have
> been made already in other forms, and concern mostly the slow
> transition from post-injury infections to chronic epidemics, including
> diseases like measles and typhoid, which are rarely seen in
> immunocompetent populations in the US. One point already mentioned in
> previous reports, but worth returning to here, is that the first teams
> of trauma surgeons, orthopedists, and emergency physicians from the US
> were underequipped and underprepared for the disaster, and felt they
> were forced to improvise heroic treatments- notoriously, field
> amputations- which in the end merely created a second wave of dehisced,
> infected, or outright untreated surgical wounds for which the second
> wave of US providers were in turn similarly unprepared. This placed the
> second wave of providers in a position where they, too, felt they had
> to improvise heroically, distributing antibiotics based on supply
> rather than appropriateness, or debriding necrotic tissue with
> non-medical implements. These measures in turn are created further
> downstream complications, and it is appropriate to ask whether acting
> inappropriately in the name of expedience is ever wise. Certainly, the
> providers who created this cascading crisis were convinced that they
> were "unlearning" their pampered American reliance on elaborate fixed
> resources and staff; perhaps it would have been better had they worked
> instead to unlearn their American belief in the necessity to "do
> something," and that this would be better than nothing.
>
> My
> primary concerns about Haiti from here on out are not medical, but
> relate instead to the idea of rebuilding, and the development issues
> that go along with it. With the US military ceding food distribution to
> civilian agencies, the relief effort has begun to take seriously the
> question of what happens next for Haiti, and what model, economic and
> physical, should guide Port Au Prince into the future. I have even
> begun to overhear, on the internet and through word-of-mouth, of
> specific efforts to send engineers to help construct permanent housing
> for the displaced poor. These rumours range from the established civil
> engineering model to wilder "permaculture" plans to build straw-bale
> houses (in a wet, tropical country without grain agriculture, no less!)
> to more practical determinations to assist poor people in reassembling
> the informal and improvised houses they occupied before the tend cities.
>
> With
> respect, I can't imagine a worse use of informal resources or donated
> money. The poor people of Port-au-Prince do not need their overcrowded,
> unserviced, inaccessible vertical bidonvilles back. It is not
> as if all the various residents of Haiti sat down together in the
> 1960's and decided, collectively, how they all wanted to live- the 
> bidonvilles,
> and the extreme disparities in wealth that go along with them, are a
> result of Haitian history, and an actual "rebuilding" project worthy of
> support by progressive or radical Americans, would have to somehow
> address this history before if could attempt to remediate the piles of
> stones that history- and the earthquake of 12 January- have left on the
> ground of Port-au-Prince.
>
> Haiti, currently, has no government.
> It is an anarchic society, and holds surprisingly close to the model
> proposed or expected by first world anarchists. There is not that much
> violent crime, most people not being criminals, and in fact violence is
> famously less now than it was before the disaster. Food is produced
> primarily by smallholders or in improvised gardens, prepared by people
> who manage to avoid poisoning their customers, streets are opened or
> closed by the collective efforts of residents (a common sight is an
> improvised barricade assembled nightly across an intersection, that
> marks the point beyond which displaced people have set up their nightly
> improvised shelters) and larger buildings are combed through for intact
> concrete blocks or rebar for sale. Microindustries like tire inflation
> or cell-phone recharging are everywhere, and somehow the football
> fields are always clear of rubble or tents in time for a game. That
> said, there is no trash pickup, centralized water distribution, or
> sewage, the roads are unmaintained, and while the rich complain that
> there are no police in Port-au-Prince, the poor complain that the
> police do exist, but have no particular program behind their actions
> other than self-enrichment and corruption. Public health is a disaster,
> and education ends about when kids start to get bored. Restaurants,
> stores, and organizational headquarters are safe, clean and modern, but
> you are always aware who pays the man with the shotgun outside the door.
>
> Land
> occupancy is both informal and complex. Both the dictatorship of the
> Duvaliers and the subsequent regimes of Aristide made significant
> changes in land use without ever formalizing or registering ownership
> for the poor. Under Duvalier, land was reserved for and tranferred to
> the rich, specifically those rich Haitians who patronized Duvalier.
> Squatter settlements, or even housing for the poor, were destroyed and
> occupants displaced, arrested, or killed by the "Tonton Macoutes."
> Aristide ended this, and even permitted semi-legalized squatting, but
> did so under a World Bank and IMF regime that created the land-use
> complexities that concentrated the poor into hillside arcologies called
> bidonvilles which lack water, sewer, or access to transportation
> or employment. Simultaneously, Haiti has been swept by urbanization
> after rural farming has collapsed. Why this happened depends on whom
> you ask- American leftists point to deforestation and its effect on the
> topsoil, which Haitian leftists blame Duvalier's disenfranchisement and
> displacement of communist-leaning farmers and organizations. Another
> theory heard in Haiti is that during the swine flu scare in the 1970's,
> Haiti's naturalized pigs were all but wiped out, removing rural
> families' traditional mechanism for converting household and
> agricultural waste into meat. Regardless of why, the population in
> Port-au-Prince has swelled dramatically with internal migrants from the
> countryside.
>
> Needless to say, people from all walks of life in
> Haiti feel some bitterness after the past half-century or displacement.
> Latifundistas (yes, I know the word is Spanish) reminisce about the
> days when the police would keep the dirty people off their horse
> ranches, which the poor (and the relict institutional left) resent the
> lost promises of Aristide. It has been better explained by other people
> from my team, but before any short-handed reconstruction project sets
> up in Haiti, lets at least remember that these grievances are all real
> and deeply felt, and the expedient solution that obtained prior to the
> earthquake, wherein the rich guarded their dwindling estates with dogs,
> guns, and razor-wire walls, while the poor packed in literally on top
> of each other, pleased no-one. Also, these folks are armed.
>
> Complicating
> all of this is Haiti's dubious long-standing honor as the poorest
> country in the western hemisphere. For the past two decades especially,
> political and religious organizations, from the Venezuelan government
> to the Scientologists to "punk rock permaculture" (dot com) have looked
> to Haiti as a blank spot for which any change could only be for the
> better. As misguided as the surgeons in the first paragraph, these
> assorted NGOs have assumed their utopian projects couldn't possibly
> make anything worse than it already was, and have subdivided Haiti into
> a patchwork of walled compounds and demographic turf, within which they
> have each attempted to make their case for a better world. The crazy
> evangelicals stealing babies are simply one more group of do-gooders
> who can't imagine how leaving well enough alone would be preferable.
> (and yes, Haiti does have a little child slavery problem, which is part
> of why parents are so willing to hand their kids over to western
> "orphanages"- but that's a very different topic.) The problem here is
> that none of these NGOs are Haitian. And they are, with their schools,
> clinics, factories, extinguishing the possibility of a Haitian civil
> society.
>
> The argument I am going to attempt to make is best elaborated (for my 
> taste) in Mike Davis' fantastic Planet of Slums,
> which I wish I had read prior to leaving for Haiti, but it goes to the
> heart of one of the most carefully exegeticized debates in modern
> development economics. By way of translation, its way over my head and
> I only cite Davis' position because it matches up best with the
> experiences and opinions of Haitians I talked with last month. Bluntly,
> NGOs take a struggle or an imbalance that undermines the stability of a
> political regime, and attempt to resolve it using the best available
> expertise, technology and planning, and as many international resources
> as they can qualify for. Often, for smaller populations, they are more
> than transiently successful (though their failures may get more press
> in donor nations.) In doing so, however, they restructure questions of
> power and change into the technocratic language of professionalism and
> problem solving, and essentially do an end-run around larger-question
> organizations that lack the education, professionalism, or financing to
> effect comparable results in the short term, or within a narrow focus.
> Even seemingly obvious measures like primary schools or technical
> academies can be problematic, because no Haitian organization could
> ever provide equivalently educated teachers, or fixed resources,
> compared to a US NGO, and would have to compete for turf- paying
> professionals, buying computers, attracting students- with other
> academies who had all the resources of, say, France, or the southern
> baptist convention, to draw on.
>
> This process, what Davis calls
> "monopolizing expertise," creates a situation in which it is impossible
> for any Haitian-based organization to accrue the credibility needed to
> be a serious player in domestic politics- all those slots are currently
> occupied either by NGOs or by government proxies. Rene Preval is
> functionally a US proxy. Even BIC, the all-Haitian organization my team
> allied with, which had some residual legitimacy from the founders'
> pasts as business owners and land owners, could not get the time of day
> from either the US military or the WFP, who felt food distribution
> would be more efficiently handled by internationals like Save the
> Children (worst name ever!) or the 7th-Day Adventists. One can only
> imagine the reception a neighborhood organization from Cite-Soleil
> would recieve!
>
> However, without this kind of Haitian civil
> society, there can be no national consensus or mandate that accurately
> reflects the participation of the Haitian people. Without this national
> mandate, any "rebuilding" plan is doomed to create another situation in
> which those in power are virtual clients of the US military, and those
> out of power are way, way, way out of power. Right now, the talk among
> educated Haitians is that Port-au-Prince is doomed; that the poor will
> never be rehoused, will have to be removed to the countryside, and the
> city will be bulldozed and rebuild as a sort of
> Santa-Monica-on-the-Atlantic. Among the poor, the talk is of prices for
> rebar and cinderblock, to recreate anything that will keep a roof over
> the head. Among the internationals, the plan is to create whatever
> perfect world their host church, or political program, thinks best. Any
> attempt to rebuild Haiti, in the absence of an independent social
> revolution, will ineluctably lead to strengthening one of these.
>
> Of
> course, I'm not a foreign development economist. I'm a paramedic. I
> don't have answers to these questions, nor do I know if the problems
> I'm bringing to light here are even the most relevant. All I ask is
> that people remember- the government has diverted the tents, and the
> encampments are made of stripped sapling poles and bedsheets. In April
> it will rain and in the fall there will be hurricanes. The idea that
> going in and "doing something" must be better than nothing has caused
> untold misery so far, but there are real people living in Haiti.
>
> So, I don't know.
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------
>
> Message: 2
> Date: Sun, 14 Feb 2010 16:32:43 -0500
> From: carolyn anderson <cschampagne@gmail.com>
> Subject: Re: [permaculture] Haiti relief opinion piece
> To: permaculture <permaculture@lists.ibiblio.org>
> Message-ID:
>        <8e00409d1002141332i346e9287p89c6ea9c19a312d0@mail.gmail.com>
> Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
>
> Wow.
> This is very powerful and enlightening, if heartbreaking.
> But it follows my intuitive sense that all the money Americans handed over
> to the Red Cross and other organizations will end up helping US government
> agendas more than the Haitian people.
>
> sigh.
>
> Carolyn
>
>
> On Sun, Feb 14, 2010 at 1:51 PM, Patrick <forgeadams@yahoo.com> wrote:
>
>> http://tagonist.livejournal.com/201318.html?style=mine#cutid1
>>
>> This is my final report on the expedition to Haiti, from 23 Jan to
>> 4 Feb. I travelled as a medical relief worker, although the team with
>> which I worked turned out to be better equipped, in terms of skill set
>> and preparation, to work as organizers and intermediaries. I will not,
>> therefore, belabor this document with medical observations- those have
>> been made already in other forms, and concern mostly the slow
>> transition from post-injury infections to chronic epidemics, including
>> diseases like measles and typhoid, which are rarely seen in
>> immunocompetent populations in the US. One point already mentioned in
>> previous reports, but worth returning to here, is that the first teams
>> of trauma surgeons, orthopedists, and emergency physicians from the US
>> were underequipped and underprepared for the disaster, and felt they
>> were forced to improvise heroic treatments- notoriously, field
>> amputations- which in the end merely created a second wave of dehisced,
>> infected, or outright untreated surgical wounds for which the second
>> wave of US providers were in turn similarly unprepared. This placed the
>> second wave of providers in a position where they, too, felt they had
>> to improvise heroically, distributing antibiotics based on supply
>> rather than appropriateness, or debriding necrotic tissue with
>> non-medical implements. These measures in turn are created further
>> downstream complications, and it is appropriate to ask whether acting
>> inappropriately in the name of expedience is ever wise. Certainly, the
>> providers who created this cascading crisis were convinced that they
>> were "unlearning" their pampered American reliance on elaborate fixed
>> resources and staff; perhaps it would have been better had they worked
>> instead to unlearn their American belief in the necessity to "do
>> something," and that this would be better than nothing.
>>
>> My
>> primary concerns about Haiti from here on out are not medical, but
>> relate instead to the idea of rebuilding, and the development issues
>> that go along with it. With the US military ceding food distribution to
>> civilian agencies, the relief effort has begun to take seriously the
>> question of what happens next for Haiti, and what model, economic and
>> physical, should guide Port Au Prince into the future. I have even
>> begun to overhear, on the internet and through word-of-mouth, of
>> specific efforts to send engineers to help construct permanent housing
>> for the displaced poor. These rumours range from the established civil
>> engineering model to wilder "permaculture" plans to build straw-bale
>> houses (in a wet, tropical country without grain agriculture, no less!)
>> to more practical determinations to assist poor people in reassembling
>> the informal and improvised houses they occupied before the tend cities.
>>
>> With
>> respect, I can't imagine a worse use of informal resources or donated
>> money. The poor people of Port-au-Prince do not need their overcrowded,
>> unserviced, inaccessible vertical bidonvilles back. It is not
>> as if all the various residents of Haiti sat down together in the
>> 1960's and decided, collectively, how they all wanted to live- the
>> bidonvilles,
>> and the extreme disparities in wealth that go along with them, are a
>> result of Haitian history, and an actual "rebuilding" project worthy of
>> support by progressive or radical Americans, would have to somehow
>> address this history before if could attempt to remediate the piles of
>> stones that history- and the earthquake of 12 January- have left on the
>> ground of Port-au-Prince.
>>
>> Haiti, currently, has no government.
>> It is an anarchic society, and holds surprisingly close to the model
>> proposed or expected by first world anarchists. There is not that much
>> violent crime, most people not being criminals, and in fact violence is
>> famously less now than it was before the disaster. Food is produced
>> primarily by smallholders or in improvised gardens, prepared by people
>> who manage to avoid poisoning their customers, streets are opened or
>> closed by the collective efforts of residents (a common sight is an
>> improvised barricade assembled nightly across an intersection, that
>> marks the point beyond which displaced people have set up their nightly
>> improvised shelters) and larger buildings are combed through for intact
>> concrete blocks or rebar for sale. Microindustries like tire inflation
>> or cell-phone recharging are everywhere, and somehow the football
>> fields are always clear of rubble or tents in time for a game. That
>> said, there is no trash pickup, centralized water distribution, or
>> sewage, the roads are unmaintained, and while the rich complain that
>> there are no police in Port-au-Prince, the poor complain that the
>> police do exist, but have no particular program behind their actions
>> other than self-enrichment and corruption. Public health is a disaster,
>> and education ends about when kids start to get bored. Restaurants,
>> stores, and organizational headquarters are safe, clean and modern, but
>> you are always aware who pays the man with the shotgun outside the door.
>>
>> Land
>> occupancy is both informal and complex. Both the dictatorship of the
>> Duvaliers and the subsequent regimes of Aristide made significant
>> changes in land use without ever formalizing or registering ownership
>> for the poor. Under Duvalier, land was reserved for and tranferred to
>> the rich, specifically those rich Haitians who patronized Duvalier.
>> Squatter settlements, or even housing for the poor, were destroyed and
>> occupants displaced, arrested, or killed by the "Tonton Macoutes."
>> Aristide ended this, and even permitted semi-legalized squatting, but
>> did so under a World Bank and IMF regime that created the land-use
>> complexities that concentrated the poor into hillside arcologies called
>> bidonvilles which lack water, sewer, or access to transportation
>> or employment. Simultaneously, Haiti has been swept by urbanization
>> after rural farming has collapsed. Why this happened depends on whom
>> you ask- American leftists point to deforestation and its effect on the
>> topsoil, which Haitian leftists blame Duvalier's disenfranchisement and
>> displacement of communist-leaning farmers and organizations. Another
>> theory heard in Haiti is that during the swine flu scare in the 1970's,
>> Haiti's naturalized pigs were all but wiped out, removing rural
>> families' traditional mechanism for converting household and
>> agricultural waste into meat. Regardless of why, the population in
>> Port-au-Prince has swelled dramatically with internal migrants from the
>> countryside.
>>
>> Needless to say, people from all walks of life in
>> Haiti feel some bitterness after the past half-century or displacement.
>> Latifundistas (yes, I know the word is Spanish) reminisce about the
>> days when the police would keep the dirty people off their horse
>> ranches, which the poor (and the relict institutional left) resent the
>> lost promises of Aristide. It has been better explained by other people
>> from my team, but before any short-handed reconstruction project sets
>> up in Haiti, lets at least remember that these grievances are all real
>> and deeply felt, and the expedient solution that obtained prior to the
>> earthquake, wherein the rich guarded their dwindling estates with dogs,
>> guns, and razor-wire walls, while the poor packed in literally on top
>> of each other, pleased no-one. Also, these folks are armed.
>>
>> Complicating
>> all of this is Haiti's dubious long-standing honor as the poorest
>> country in the western hemisphere. For the past two decades especially,
>> political and religious organizations, from the Venezuelan government
>> to the Scientologists to "punk rock permaculture" (dot com) have looked
>> to Haiti as a blank spot for which any change could only be for the
>> better. As misguided as the surgeons in the first paragraph, these
>> assorted NGOs have assumed their utopian projects couldn't possibly
>> make anything worse than it already was, and have subdivided Haiti into
>> a patchwork of walled compounds and demographic turf, within which they
>> have each attempted to make their case for a better world. The crazy
>> evangelicals stealing babies are simply one more group of do-gooders
>> who can't imagine how leaving well enough alone would be preferable.
>> (and yes, Haiti does have a little child slavery problem, which is part
>> of why parents are so willing to hand their kids over to western
>> "orphanages"- but that's a very different topic.) The problem here is
>> that none of these NGOs are Haitian. And they are, with their schools,
>> clinics, factories, extinguishing the possibility of a Haitian civil
>> society.
>>
>> The argument I am going to attempt to make is best elaborated (for my
>> taste) in Mike Davis' fantastic Planet of Slums,
>> which I wish I had read prior to leaving for Haiti, but it goes to the
>> heart of one of the most carefully exegeticized debates in modern
>> development economics. By way of translation, its way over my head and
>> I only cite Davis' position because it matches up best with the
>> experiences and opinions of Haitians I talked with last month. Bluntly,
>> NGOs take a struggle or an imbalance that undermines the stability of a
>> political regime, and attempt to resolve it using the best available
>> expertise, technology and planning, and as many international resources
>> as they can qualify for. Often, for smaller populations, they are more
>> than transiently successful (though their failures may get more press
>> in donor nations.) In doing so, however, they restructure questions of
>> power and change into the technocratic language of professionalism and
>> problem solving, and essentially do an end-run around larger-question
>> organizations that lack the education, professionalism, or financing to
>> effect comparable results in the short term, or within a narrow focus.
>> Even seemingly obvious measures like primary schools or technical
>> academies can be problematic, because no Haitian organization could
>> ever provide equivalently educated teachers, or fixed resources,
>> compared to a US NGO, and would have to compete for turf- paying
>> professionals, buying computers, attracting students- with other
>> academies who had all the resources of, say, France, or the southern
>> baptist convention, to draw on.
>>
>> This process, what Davis calls
>> "monopolizing expertise," creates a situation in which it is impossible
>> for any Haitian-based organization to accrue the credibility needed to
>> be a serious player in domestic politics- all those slots are currently
>> occupied either by NGOs or by government proxies. Rene Preval is
>> functionally a US proxy. Even BIC, the all-Haitian organization my team
>> allied with, which had some residual legitimacy from the founders'
>> pasts as business owners and land owners, could not get the time of day
>> from either the US military or the WFP, who felt food distribution
>> would be more efficiently handled by internationals like Save the
>> Children (worst name ever!) or the 7th-Day Adventists. One can only
>> imagine the reception a neighborhood organization from Cite-Soleil
>> would recieve!
>>
>> However, without this kind of Haitian civil
>> society, there can be no national consensus or mandate that accurately
>> reflects the participation of the Haitian people. Without this national
>> mandate, any "rebuilding" plan is doomed to create another situation in
>> which those in power are virtual clients of the US military, and those
>> out of power are way, way, way out of power. Right now, the talk among
>> educated Haitians is that Port-au-Prince is doomed; that the poor will
>> never be rehoused, will have to be removed to the countryside, and the
>> city will be bulldozed and rebuild as a sort of
>> Santa-Monica-on-the-Atlantic. Among the poor, the talk is of prices for
>> rebar and cinderblock, to recreate anything that will keep a roof over
>> the head. Among the internationals, the plan is to create whatever
>> perfect world their host church, or political program, thinks best. Any
>> attempt to rebuild Haiti, in the absence of an independent social
>> revolution, will ineluctably lead to strengthening one of these.
>>
>> Of
>> course, I'm not a foreign development economist. I'm a paramedic. I
>> don't have answers to these questions, nor do I know if the problems
>> I'm bringing to light here are even the most relevant. All I ask is
>> that people remember- the government has diverted the tents, and the
>> encampments are made of stripped sapling poles and bedsheets. In April
>> it will rain and in the fall there will be hurricanes. The idea that
>> going in and "doing something" must be better than nothing has caused
>> untold misery so far, but there are real people living in Haiti.
>>
>> So, I don't know.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> _______________________________________________
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>>
>
>
> ------------------------------
>
> Message: 3
> Date: Sun, 14 Feb 2010 21:26:31 -0500
> From: "Lawrence F. London, Jr." <venaurafarm@bellsouth.net>
> Subject: [permaculture] Now there's an outdoor bake oven...
> To: permaculture <permaculture@lists.ibiblio.org>
> Message-ID: <4B78B0D7.5080707@bellsouth.net>
> Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1; format=flowed
>
>
> 121571286 photo - ellen_morgan photos at pbase.com
> http://www.pbase.com/ellen_morgan/image/121571286
>
>
> ------------------------------
>
> _______________________________________________
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>
>
> End of permaculture Digest, Vol 85, Issue 20
> ********************************************
>



-- 
_____________________________
Martin  Mikush
+359 88 6503058
+359 2 8518206
http://alchemyarch.wordpress.com/
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