[permaculture] NEW BOOK Africa and the end of hunger Eric Holt-Giménez and Raj Patel

Wesley Roe and Santa Barbara Permaculture Network lakinroe at silcom.com
Sat Jul 18 19:37:35 EDT 2009

Africa and the end of hunger
Eric Holt-Giménez and Raj Patel
2009-07-16, Issue 442

'Africa and the end of hunger' is an extract from 
Pambazuka Press's groundbreaking new book Food 
Rebellions! Crisis and the Hunger for Justice by 
Eric Holt-Giménez and Raj Patel. Recommended by 
figures like Walden Bello and Wangari Maathai, 
the book is available to Pambazuka News readers 
at 20% off the recommended retail price of £16.95 
and comes with a free ebook copy. Simply enter 
56784813 as the discount code when ordering 
online. The Food Rebellions! ebook is also 
available on its own for only £5.

Africa is central to any lasting solution to 
hunger on the planet. When poverty and hunger are 
eliminated in Africa, all of the world's poor 
will be better off. Whatever happens in Africa-or 
doesn't happen-will have a profound effect on the 
world's food systems.

What is happening in Africa to address the food 
crisis is in many ways emblematic of global 
events. Successes or failures in Africa reflect 
the potential or the limitations of the global 
food systems to serve the interests of the 
world's poor majorities. If the system doesn't 
work in Africa, then it doesn't work for the 
world. In this sense, ending hunger in Africa is 
not simply a "global challenge" for the world's 
governments. Just as the persistence of poverty 
in Africa is a challenge for the global economic 
system, the food crisis is a challenge to the 
dysfunctional global food system. The stakes on 
the continent are high in human, environmental 
and geopolitical terms.

In many ways, of course, Africa's recent history 
is one of conquest by and resistance to foreign 
economic and geopolitical interests. The carving 
up of the continent at the 1884 Berlin Conference 
sealed the first "Scramble for Africa." Countries 
that missed the opportunity to profit from Africa 
in the 19th century had plenty of chances in the 
20th and even more in the 21st century. Africa 
was the continent most consistently pushed 
towards extreme structural adjustment policies. 
As Walden Bello has observed, the continent was a 
net food exporter in the 1960s, "averaging 1.3 
million tons a year between 1966-70. Today, the 
continent imports 25% of its food, with almost 
every country being a net food importer" (Bello 

A corollary of this import dependence has been an 
opening up of the continent's resources to the 
highest, and in some cases most unscrupulous, 
bidder. Thus US businessman Philippe Heilberg has 
claimed 4,000 square kilometers of fertile land 
by the Nile in a deal with a Sudanese warlord 
(Blas and Walls 2009), and the Korean Daewoo 
corporation attempted to lease 1.3 million 
hectares of land in Madagascar (Jung-a and Oliver 
2008). While there are other high profile land 
grabs involving foreign powers, notably from 
Europe, North America, India and China, the 
inequities of land distribution in some parts of 
Africa have been merely exacerbated by neoliberal 
agricultural policy. Under the 'willing buyer, 
willing seller' models of land reform promoted by 
the World Bank in South Africa, less than 5% of 
the land has been redistributed from white to 
black owners since the end of apartheid (Zigomo 
2008). Yet social movements in Africa are vital 
and active, working on concrete solutions in the 
fields and concrete policy changes for 
governments-to bring about food sovereignty. 
Central to these efforts have been the work of 
women and women's organizations-women grow the 
majority of the food on the continent, yet they 
shoulder the triple burden of needing to work for 
a wage, build community, and feed their family. 
It is no surprise, then, that at the 2008 Via 
Campesina 5th international conference in Maputo, 
Mozambique, one of the loudest calls was for the 
recognition of food sovereignty as an end to 
violence against women.

It is important to realize that just as there is 
a world-wide diversity of people-driven food 
systems struggling to emerge from under the 
weight of the agrifoods monopolies, there is also 
a continent-wide diversity of grassroots 
initiatives to end hunger in Africa. 
Collectively, these life-affirming initiatives 
cover more area and reach more people than 
official, more centralized efforts. Their 
organizational and technological approaches tend 
to be grounded in a people-first, noncorporate 
perspective. They employ more agroecological and 
democratic means for improving smallholder 
agriculture as a strategy to end hunger. These 
African alternatives were not given a seat at the 
table at the Comprehensive Framework for Action 
(CFA), nor were they considered in the planning 
of the new Green Revolution in Africa. However, 
because extreme hunger is so widespread, it is 
hard to imagine how any effort to end hunger in 
Africa could be successful without them. Whether 
or not official and grassroots efforts can work 
together to end hunger is the question facing not 
just Africa, but the entire world.


Because the majority of sub-Saharan Africa's 
hungry people come from poor farming families 
cultivating two hectares or less-and because over 
80% of the continent is still rural-the challenge 
of ending hunger and poverty on the continent is 
necessarily an agrarian question. Africa's 
agrarian questions concern land, labor, markets, 
technology and politics at local, regional, 
national and international scales. These concerns 
are not just about feeding people, but also about 
changing the present conditions of production 
that keep the rural poor from feeding themselves. 
Africa's agrarian questions are not adequately 
addressed by simply asking, "What is the role of 
African smallholders?" Because of the great 
diversity of smallholder agroecosystems on the 
African continent, we also need to ask what kinds 
of technologies, markets, resource use and 
ownership rights will suit Africa's diverse 
agricultural transformations. And, we need to 
ask, who will lead these transformations? This 
last question is especially important because, as 
the result of decisions regarding the food, fuel, 
and economic crises, Africa's smallholders are 
increasingly falling victim to new grabs for 
land, water, markets, and genetic resources. Will 
the food crisis usher in a new era of rural debt, 
contract farming, and agricultural exports for 
foreign food and energy needs? Or will the crisis 
provide an opportunity for new agrarian models of 
development and food sovereignty? In Africa, the 
struggle to eliminate hunger is the struggle for 
the future of agriculture.

There are many parallels between the continent's 
historic movements for independence and today's 
struggles for food sovereignty. Though 
sub-Saharan Africa is a region rich in minerals 
and natural resources, over 450 million live on 
less than $2 a day and over a third of the 
population suffers from malnutrition (Faurès and 
Santini 2008). Proposals to end poverty and 
hunger on the African continent must come to 
grips with the fact that since colonial times, 
Africa's food systems and natural resources have 
been relentlessly appropriated by foreign 
capital, frequently in collusion with national 
elites. Even today, at the height of the food 
crisis, some African governments are negotiating 
the sale and long-term lease of agricultural land 
to foreign governments and corporations. Others 
are providing forests, brushland and pastureland 
to foreign agrofuel corporations.

The struggles for food sovereignty in Africa are 
widespread, and are especially difficult because 
the continent not only continues to be a major 
source of natural resources for the industrial 
North, but, in a time of shrinking global 
markets, the food crisis actually makes Africa's 
poor farmers a prime target for major seed, 
biotechnology and fertilizer companies desperate 
for new consumers. While each poor farmer may not 
have much money to spend, taken as a whole these 
farmers constitute a big and lucrative market, 
particularly if foreign aid and African 
governments provide conditions for market 
expansion with infrastructure, research, and 
investment incentives.

Of course, African governments must increase aid 
to agriculture. Encouragingly, in 2003 at the 
African Union summit in Maputo, Mozambique, 
African leaders endorsed the Comprehensive 
African Agriculture Development Program (CAADP), 
in which they promised to increase government 
agricultural support to 10% by 2015.12 The 
private sector has an important role to play in 
ending hunger, and in these times of crisis has a 
social responsibility to serve the public good. 
However-especially in Africa-care must be taken 
to ensure that the benefits from improvements in 
agriculture accrue primarily to poor farmers, not 
state farms, agro-export farms, sovereign wealth 
funds or transnational corporations.

Who improves African agriculture, how, under what 
agreements and by what means, will determine 
whether the efforts to end hunger in Africa 
succeed or fail. Lack of attention to these 
issues runs the risk that the long-overdue 
support to African agriculture will be used as a 
prop for a flawed global food system when what is 
needed is a thorough transformation of 

Tensions between top-down and bottom-up 
approaches to solve the food crisis in Africa are 
being played out in a transnational "development 
arena" where official discourses of 
"partnerships" frequently accompany less 
altruistic political or commercial agendas, and 
often mask the real exclusion of farmers from 
participating in the substantive decisions that 
affect their lives. The future of Africa's food 
systems and the fate of millions of smallholders 
and hungry people hinge on the outcomes emanating 
from this arena. Informed public debate, 
institutional transparency and accountability, 
and amplifying the diverse voices of farmers' 
organizations and their proposals are essential 
for finding a sustainable and equitable path 
through the food crisis. The challenge is to 
diversify and democratize initiatives for 
agricultural development and at the same time 
respond quickly and effectively to the crisis on 
the ground.

The difficulty in doing all of this is especially 
evident in the rift between official calls for a 
new Green Revolution in Africa and the 
continent's grassroots movements for African 
agroecological alternatives.


For two and a half decades the Consultative Group 
on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) 
invested 40%-45% of their $350 million a year 
budget in an unsuccessful effort to spread the 
Green Revolution across Africa (World Bank 2004). 
Supporters of the Green Revolution offer multiple 
explanations for its failure to raise yields on 
the continent, among them Africa's exhausted 
soils, inadequate infrastructure, poor governance 
and declining support for African agriculture 
(Evanson and Gollin 2003). They claim the Green 
Revolution "bypassed" Africa, and the CGIAR's 
failure to eradicate hunger on the continent is 
due to lack of proper implementation of the Green 
Revolution model (Rockefeller Foundation 2007). 
Critics of the Green Revolution maintain that 
Africa can't be blamed for its actual conditions, 
and that the failure is with the Green 
Revolution's model itself (see Food First 
www.foodfirst.org; ETC Group http://www.etcgroup 
org; and GRAIN http://www.grain.org)

There is some basis for claims that Africa was 
bypassed by the Green Revolution. Prior to the 
oil shocks of the 1970s, many African governments 
moved decisively to increase food production by 
enacting land reform, implementing rural 
development projects, providing producer 
subsidies, establishing marketing boards and 
price guarantees, and increasing investments in 
rural infrastructure. National agricultural 
research systems were established to test and 
distribute packets of seeds and fertilizer. Under 
these conditions, the Green Revolution did begin 
to raise yields in basic grains in some places, 
leading many to believe that the "Asian miracle" 
could be replicated in Africa (Havnevik et al. 

However, following the oil shocks and the debt 
crisis of the 1970s, and the World Bank/IMF 
structural adjustment programs of the 1980s, 
African governments were forced to reduce state 
services, dismantle marketing boards, close 
development projects and end subsidies and price 
guarantees. Government research and extension 
vanished. As market-led approaches to economic 
development replaced stateled approaches, 
agriculture fell off the development agenda and 
the Green Revolution ground to a halt (Havnevik 
et al. 2007). In the 1990s there were multiple 
high-profile unsuccessful attempts to score 
victories in Africa, notably by former US 
presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton, and 
philanthropist Ryoicho Sasakawa with the "father" 
of the Green Revolution, Nobel laureate Norman 
Borlaug. The repeated failures of the Green 
Revolution in Africa also coincided with the 
Green Revolution's overall global slump. 
Notwithstanding, at the 2004 African Union 
summit, then secretary-general of the United 
Nations Kofi Annan called for a "uniquely African 
Green Revolution."


In 1997 then newly appointed president of the 
Rockefeller Foundation Gordon Conway published 
The Doubly Green Revolution: Food for All in the 
21st Century, in which he called for a new, 
high-yielding Green Revolution based on equity 
and sustainability. Rockefeller's attempt to 
re-launch the Green Revolution in Africa in 1999 
made little headway until June 2006, when it 
cosponsored the African Fertilizer Summit with 
the New Partnership for Africa's Development 
(NEPAD) in Abuja, Nigeria. Representatives from 
40 African governments, African and multilateral 
development banks, the CGIAR, and agribusiness 
executives discussed strategies for modernizing 
African agriculture. A month later, the 
foundation rolled out its strategy in Africa's 
Turn: The New Green Revolution for the 21st 
Century. It included:

- Promotion of hybrid and genetically engineered seeds and chemical fertilizers
- Training of African agricultural scientists for crop improvement
- Market development
- Local agrodealer distribution networks
- Infrastructure investments
- Agricultural policy reforms.

Two months later, the Rockefeller Foundation 
partnered with the Bill and Melinda Gates 
Foundation to launch the Alliance for a Green 
Revolution for Africa (AGRA)-the non-governmental 
organization designed to implement the ideas of 
the Doubly Green Revolution and the strategies in 
Africa's Turn. The Bill and Melinda Gates 
Foundation's $38.7 billion philanthropy put up 
$100 million of AGRA's initial $150 million 

The alliance quickly formed the Program for a 
Green Revolution in Africa (ProAGRA) to implement 
AGRA. Most of the board members of both AGRA and 
ProAGRA were employees of the Gates and 
Rockefeller Foundations (Daño 2007).


While AGRA adopted the Green Revolution's 
technological paradigm- prioritizing genetic crop 
improvement and fertilizer applications as the 
central pillar of their strategy for agricultural 
improvement- it also added variations that 
reflect new developments within the CGIAR, the 
seed and chemical industries, and the global 
finance sector. This time a broader array of 
traditional African food crops will be included 
in the technological mix. Microfinance, and loan 
guarantees to state and commercial banks will 
provide credit. The project is establishing a 
powerful advocacy arm to influence the policies 
of African governments. AGRA is making a special 
effort to reach women-both as farmers and as 
researchers. Its "integrated soil fertility 
program" will use "smart subsidies" to increase 
the application of chemical fertilizers of four 
million farmers by 400% to 30 kilogram per 
hectare per year (Gates Foundation 2008). This is 
to be accompanied by instruction on how to build 
up and conserve soil organic matter. While AGRA's 
Program for Africa's Seed Systems (PASS) is not 
now distributing genetically engineered seeds, 
AGRA has made it known that it will consider 
introducing GMOs in the future when regulations 
are in place. Meanwhile, AGRA's training programs 
are steadily preparing African crop scientists in 
biotechnology (Agra-Alliance 2008). Further, 
AGRA's main benefactor, the Bill and Melinda 
Gates Foundation, along with the Yara, Monsanto, 
and Syngenta Foundations, support African 
biotechnology institutions such as the African 
Harvest Biotech Foundation, the African 
Agricultural Technology Foundation (AATF), and 
the International Service for Acquisition of 
Agricultural Biotechnology Applications, in a 
concerted push for GMO research and promotion 
(Daño 2007). This work focuses on genetically 
engineering crops for high vitamin content, pest 
resistance, drought, and weed tolerance. Within 
the larger Green Revolution scheme, these 
projects and AGRA are mutually reinforcing: as 
one prepares the scientists, the other prepares 
the biotechnology; as one establishes seed 
distribution networks, the other releases GMOs.

Strategically, AGRA signifies a substantive shift 
for the Green Revolution. In the absence of the 
1960s' African "development state" that provided 
funding for credit, research, infrastructure and 
marketing services, supporters of the new Green 
Revolution are hoping that this time 
public-private philanthropy partnerships will 
step in to take up the slack. While there may not 
be large profits to be made at first, 
"recognition is a proxy" until profits can be 
obtained (Gates 2008). Given the reluctance of 
the private sector to invest in infrastructure 
and services for the poor, this is clearly a big 
gamble. Africa needs some $15 billion a year in 
agricultural investment. If Northern governments 
are backtracking on their promises for increasing 
aid, how can we be sure the private sector will 
make up the difference? The Green Revolution 
requires major social investment in order to be 
successful (even on its own terms).

Structurally, however, AGRA appears to reproduce 
the same commercial bias of former Green 
Revolutions and reinforces the World Bank's 
antagonistic position against smallholder 
agriculture. For all its claims to independence, 
AGRA is considered by the Bill and Melinda Gates 
Foundation to be the "African face and voice for 
our work." AGRA's benefactor clearly spells out 
its function in the Gates Foundation's theory of 

In order to transition agriculture from the 
current situation of low investment, low 
productivity and low returns to a 
market-oriented, highly-productive system, it is 
essential that supply (productivity) and demand 
(market access) expand together and that 
production systems use natural resources 
efficiently and help farmers manage their risksŠ 
[this] involves market-oriented farmers operating 
profitable farms that generate enough income to 
sustain their rise out of poverty. Over time, 
this will require some degree of land mobility 
and a lower percentage of total employment 
involved in direct agricultural productionŠ We 
are uniquely focusedŠ on 150 [million] 
smallholder households in Sub-Saharan AfricaŠ 
that have the potential to transform agriculture 
at scale. We consider these farmers, most of whom 
are women, our customers and their needs and 
realities guide our work. (Gates Foundation 2008)

AGRA will follow the market-driven development 
strategies of the World Bank designed to open 
Africa's smallholder sector to the volatile world 
market and push the "least efficient" African 
farmers out of agriculture. When combined with 
the same social and technological paradigm that 
has driven the Green Revolution for four decades, 
and given the present economic and political 
limitations of many weakened African states, 
potential for a renewed structural violence 
against poor rural communities is great.

* Food Rebellions! Crisis and the Hunger for 
Justice is available to order from the Pambazuka 
Press website. Pambazuka News readers can get 20% 
off the recommended retail price of £16.95 by 
entering 56784813 as the discount code when 
ordering online, an offer which also includes a 
free ebook copy. The Food Rebellions! ebook is 
also available individually for only £5.
* Eric Holt-Giménez is the executive director of 
Food First. Raj Patel is an honorary research 
fellow at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and 
works with the South African Shackdwellers'
movement Abahlali baseMjondolo.
* This article is an extract from chapter 8 of 
Food Rebellions! entitled 'Africa and the End of 
* Please send comments to editor at pambazuka.org or 
comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Food Rebellions: Crisis and the Hunger for Justice

The real story behind the world food crisis and what we can do about it.
By Eric Holt-Giménez and Raj Patel with Annie Shattuck
Available July 2009
A joint international publication with Fahumu 
Books and Grassroots International
The World's farmers can feed the world, but only 
if they can gain control of their lands and food 
systems. Forty years ago, the global South had 
yearly agricultural trade surpluses of $1 
billion. After three decades of so called 
development, they are now importing $11 billion a 
year in food.
International trade agreements opened up the 
dumping of cheap, subsidized grain from the 
North, putting local farmers out of business, 
devastating local crop diversity, and 
consolidating control of the world's food system 
in the hands of multinational corporations. 
Official plans to solve the world food crisis 
call for more subsidies for industrialized 
nations, more food aid, and more green (read 
gene) revolutions. These solutions will only 
increase the number of hungry people.
Solutions to truly address rising hunger include 
re-regulate the market, reduce the power of the 
agri-foods industrial complex, and build 
ecologically resilient family agriculture.
To view lead author, Eric Holt-Giménez reading from the book go to:
Table of Contents
Foreword by Walden Bello
1 Introduction to the Global Food Crisis
Part One - The Real Story Behind the World Food Crisis
2 Hunger, Harvests and Profits: The Tragic Records of the Global Food Crisis
3 Root Causes: How the Industrial Agrifoods Complex Ate the Global South
4 The Overproduction of Hunger: Uncle Sam's Farm and Food Bill
5 Agrofuels: A Bad Idea at the Worst Possible Time
6 Summing Up the Crisis
Part Two - What We Can Do About It
7 Overcoming the Crisis: Transforming the Food System
8 Africa and the End of Hunger
9 The Challenge of Food Sovereignty in Northern Countries
10 Epilogue
Appendix 1: Civil Society Statement on the World Food Emergency
Appendix 2: Land, Territory and Dignity Forum, Porto Alegre, March 6-9, 2006
Appendix 3: ROPPA--Pan-African Farmers' Platform
Appendix 4: Declarations of the African 
Organizations--Planet Diversity, May 12-16, 2008
Appendix 5: Africa: 25th FAO Africa Conference--African Women's Statement
Appendix 6: High-Level Meeting on Food Security, Madrid, January 26-27, 2009
Appendix 7: US Call to Action
Appendix 8: Declaration for Healthy Food and Agriculture
Praise for this book:
In this very timely book, two of the world's most 
prominent critics of the global food system, Eric 
Holt-Giménez and Raj Patel, dissect the causes of 
hunger and the food price crisis, locating them 
in a political economy of capitalist industrial 
production dominated by corporations and driven 
by the search for profits for the few instead of 
the welfare of the many. The picture that emerges 
is a political economy of global production that 
is failing badly in terms of feeding the world 
and is itself contributing to the spread of 
inequalities that promote hunger.
--Walden Bello, senior analyst at Focus on the Global South, Bangkok
The 20th century was the century of technological 
revolutions. This century is that of the 
knowledge revolution, and Eric Holt-Giménez and 
Raj Patel are in its vanguard. At long last, a 
book which confronts the real issues: how do we 
reform our food systems to avoid environmental 
disaster, how do we recapture the production and 
distribution of food from the tyranny of 
unchecked markets. This book is vital reading for 
all concerned with the right to food.
--Olivier De Schutter, UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food
The high and mighty proponents of free trade 
speak for the interests of multinational 
corporations when they try to stifle the economic 
policies that empower peasants, family farmers, 
and farm workers to grow healthy supplies of food 
while protecting Mother Earth. Rather than 
continue down the path that led to today's 
economic, environmental, and social catastrophe, 
Food Rebellions! calls on us to raise our voices 
in rebellion, join together, and place 
sustainable production and rural economic 
opportunity at the base of our recovery efforts.

--George Naylor, former president of the National Family Farm Coalition-USA
'Food Rebellions! is a tour de force! Not only 
does it describe the corporate assault on the 
human right to food in all of its political, 
economic, cultural and environmental dimensions, 
it also documents the many ways rural and urban 
people are actively building alternative food 
systems to defend their land, water, seeds and 
livelihoods. These social movements and this 
inspiring book could not have come at a better 
time. In the face of multiple global crises, the 
growing local and international trends toward 
food sovereignty provide us with the hope we need 
to build a just and sustainable future.'
--Paul Nicholson, Ehne (Basque Farmers' Union) and Via Campesina
'Small-scale farming systems spread widely across 
Africa are a social and ecological asset. As Food 
Rebellions! demonstrates, planting indigenous 
trees and using traditional farming methods 
enhances environmental conservation and preserves 
local biodiversity. At a time of economic crisis, 
sustainable agriculture and the economic 
empowerment it can generate will be key to the 
survival of the many African families headed by 

--Professor Wangari Maathai, Nobel Prize winner 
and author of The Challenge For Africa, published 
by Heinemann
Hunger is a global scandal. I would call it a 
global structure of sin! Claiming to solve world 
hunger with the industrial age's solutions the 
corporations of the world really only structure 
the world for more hunger, poverty and misery. 
This book, Food Rebellion! provides an analysis 
that is clear, documented and searing in its 
challenge to the powers that be. It provides 
solutions appropriate to our ecological age and 
to a new era of food democracy and food 
sovereignty. It reflects the vision of those most 
affected by the food crisis. I strongly endorse 
this book and I hope that it gets a wide 
readership. More importantly, I hope that it gets 
the support of the nations of the world suffering 
from hunger and poverty. It provides insight that 
comes from the people directly suffering from 
hunger and poverty. They have a right to be heard.

--Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann, President, 63rd 
General Assembly of the United Nations
Food Rebellions! demonstrates the imperative to 
protect and enhance the multifaceted knowledge, 
practices, and lands of sustainable farmers. 
Contrary to some views, sustainable food systems 
are most helpful to the poor, especially the 
rural poor, who suffer the most from the dire 
social and ecological effects of industrial 
agriculture. Absent perverse subsidies to 
agrifood industries, what is good for farmers is 
also good for eaters and citizens. Holt-Giménez 
and Patel contribute to an urgent awakening, 
supported by practical experiments and expert 
reports, to the necessity and possibility for 
transforming food systems. "Like cracks in the 
asphalt," solutions to global food crisis can 
restore resilient food systems across the world.

--Harriet Friedman, PhD, University of Toronto
Food Rebellions! situates with accuracy and 
precision the true meaning, causes and dynamics 
of what is commonly referred to as the "global 
food crisis." It shows how skewed and 
dysfunctional the global food system is, and how 
the concentration of market power by a handful of 
transnational corporations translates to power 
over land, water, food and indeed, over life 
itself. In Part One, the authors trace with 
startling clarity the history of hunger and 
poverty to north-south politics of domination, 
and gender and class inequalities. They compel us 
to confront the questions: who is hungry, and 
why? But all is not gloom and doom. In Part Two, 
the authors inspire us with examples of creative 
and constructive resistance by food producers and 
workers against the capitalist driven food system 
and propose strategies for transforming the food 
system -strategies that are practical and well 
within the reach of anyone concerned with social 
and political justice. If Food Rebellions does 
not make food rights activist of its readers, I 
don't know what will. This is a truly remarkable 
--Shalmali Guttal, Senior Associate, Focus on the Global South
If you do not live in the U.S. you can order this 
book from our publishing partner, Fahamu Books at 
Price: $19.95
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