Biblical Hebrew Forum

[Rolf Furuli <furuli AT online.no>]

Dear Vince and Bryan,

I view 1 Samuel 1 as a good example of the inadequacy of generative grammar
or discourse analysis as tools to explain the meaning of verbs. This
chapter also illustrates the inadequacy of the explanations of traditional
grammar.

Some time ago I made a comparison between the Hebrew text and the text of
the LXX (G) Targum Jonathan (T), the Peshitta (S), and the Ge'ez version
(E). In Greek, aspect is connected with the single verb and not with
clauses or discourse units. An aorist is always perfective and an imperfect
is always imperfective. I have never seen anybody claim that aspect is
connected with anything but the single verb also in Syriac and Ge'ez.  A
study of the versions reveal how they understood the Hebrew verbs of 1.
Samuel, and an interesting challenge for you would be to make a synthesis
of the verbs of the versions and the Hebrew text on the basis of discourse
analysis or generative grammar.

Below I list the renditions of the versions of the first 10 verses:

a = aorist
i = imperfect (corresponding to Hebrew yiqtol)
p = perfect (corresponding to Hebrew qatal)
part = participle  (participle + perfect in Syriac is defined as durative
past (imperfective))
pass =passive
inf = infinitive
w = waw

v 1, 2 wayhi  (G:i, T,S w+p, E: p) NB, G imperfective, T,S,E perfective

v 3 we(flf  (G:a, T:w+part,S:part+p,E:i)  NB, G-perfective, T,S,E -
imperfective

v 4 wayhi  (G: GINOMAI, a,pass,T,S:w+p) NB, all perfective
      wayyizbax (G:a,T,S:w+p,E:p)  NB,  all perfective
      wenatan  (G:a,T,S:w+p,E:p)  NB, all perfective

v 5  yiten  (G:a,T,S,E:p)  NB, all perfective
      (fheb (G:i,T: part,S:part+p,E:i)  NB, all are imperfective
     sfgar (G:a,T,S,E:p) NB, all perfective

v 6 weki(a:satf (G:-,T: part,S: part+p,E:p) NB, T,S imperfective, E perfective
     sfgar  (G:a,T,S-E:p) NB, all are perfective

v 7 ya(a:se (G:a,T,S,E:p) NB, all perfective
    takisennf (G:i,T:part,S: part+p,E:i?)  NB, all are imperfective
    wattibke (G:i,T:part,S:p,E:i) NB, S perfective G,T,E imperfective
     tokal      (G:i,T:part,S:p,G:i) NB, S perfective G,T,E imperfective

v 8 wayyomer (G:a,T,S:w+p,E:p) NB, all perfective

v 9 wataqfm  (G:a,T,S:w+p,E:p) NB, all perfective
      fkelf  (G:inf,T,S:p,E:i) NB, TS perfective, E imperfective
      yo$eb  (G:i,T,S:part.E;i) NB, All imperfective

v 10  wattitpallel (G:a,T:part,S:part+p, E-) NB, G perfective, T,S 
imperfective
         tibke  (G:pres.part+a,T:infin+ part, S:part+p,E:p) NB, E
perfective, G,T.S imperfective.



Regards
Rolf

Rolf Furuli
Lecturer in Semitic languages
University of Oslo









>what sources do you need for the phenomenon of "historical present"? I
>take it as given for speakers of english. or do you mean as a proposal
>for hebrew? why would anyone suggest it, given current assumptions? as
>far as I know, it would be a novel proposal for biblical hebrew, but
>who knows.
>
>funny you should mention hopper, that stuff proposes grammatical
>aspect tracking, like real aspect in a real aspect-language like
>russian, doesn't it? not at all what hebrew scholars are talking
>about, is it?
>
>grammatical aspect in Hebrew: (1) tenses default for a perfective
>reading, (2) compositionality.  for instance, $anah va$anah is
>inherently imperfective, and so overrides a default reading: nothing
>to do with the verb form. aspect by composition: aspect of the verbal
>root, the grammatical form, nature of objects, adverbials: just like a
>normal language.
>
>on my view, and I haven't worked this out (wish I had grad students to
>work on this. sigh), there are signals. I don't have a full analysis,
>but here are some clear ones to look at.
>
>verses 1-3 inherently imperfective, background. not clear where to end
>the background, but extends at least to end of v.3 presumably wayhi
>hayyom as a pragmatic break, if nothing else.
>
>verse 7 begins summary, generic/habitual.  signal?? $anah v$anah,
>nothing else: except it's in combination with ken, and then the
>repetition of ken. inherently imperfective.
>
>v.8 almost ambiguous, except context might suggest a break. what
>*formal* break **could** you get?  (I've always wondered about the
>wayyiqtol idea as backbone, so many instances where wayyiqtol sequence
>continues while the story has made a clear break.) similarly, other
>wayyiqtols, how do *you know* you made a clear break?
>
>independent of aspect, I would think the change of subject beginning
>v.8 is significant.
>
>v10 verbless, suggests a little background, inherently imperfective as
>it leads into a wayyiqtol.
>
>notice also the use of infinitive+verb end v10 as if it continued a
>wayyiqtol chain. very interesting. continues with wattiddor without a
>hiccup.
>
>where are the breaks? still have to work on it. my dissertation has
>the potential for working out a discourse grammar that makes Hebrew
>behave like a normal language. but I haven't worked it out. what I do
>have so far is,
>
>(1) a pretty good guide to backgrounding introductions to passages
>(2) a grammar of pronominalization that identifies in interesting ways
>paragraphs and larger units. (for instance, the focus for the opening
>chapters is Hannah all the way through, from 1:5 systematically.
>haven't looked at it rigorously yet: make a good masters thesis)
>
>happy holidays to those who celebrate the fall festival just a little
>late. V
>-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
>Vincent DeCaen, Ph.D.  <decaen AT chass.utoronto.ca>
>
>Hebrew Syntax Encoding Initiative
>http://www.chass.utoronto.ca:8080/~decaen/hsei/intro.html
>c/o Deparment of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
>4 Bancroft Ave., 2d floor, University of Toronto, Toronto ON, M5S 1A1
>-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
>
>The world needs open hearts and open minds, and it is not through
>rigid systems, whether old or new, that these can be derived.
>--Bertrand Russell
>
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